Microsoft Word – Tute week 9.docx
Syntax Tutorial Exercises
Week 9
KROEGER 7C AND 7D
KALAGAN (PHILLIPINES)
GRAMMATICAL FUNCTIONS
Describe the syntax of Kalagan from the data below. Don’t be concerned about using any particular
method of description — just so long as the operative syntactic contrasts and markings are clearly
described. (Underlined elements in the translations are to be read as stressed or focused
information. /ʔ/is a glottal stop.)
1. magkitaʔ ya utaw sa balay The man sees the house.
2. kitaʔen na utaw ya balay The man sees the house.
3. magdet ya bataʔ sa usa The boy hunts the pig.
4. deten na bataʔ ya usa The boy hunts the pig.
5. magtawag ya bataʔ sa utaw The boy calls the man.
6. tawagen na bataʔ ya utaw The boy calls the man.
7. magdalaʔ ya utaw sa usa The man carries the pig.
8. dalaʔen na utaw ya usa The man carries the pig.
9. magtuway ya utaw sa bataʔ The man guides the boy.
10. tuwayen na utaw ya bataʔ The man guides the boy.
11. migdet ya bataʔ sa usa adti pawaʔ The boy hunted the pig at the farm.
12. deten na utaw ya suwagan adti magalet. The man hunts the deer in the jungle.
13. pigtawag na utaw ya usa The man called the pig.
14. magdaliʔ ya utaw sa umay adti beʔen The man mixes the rice in a basket.
15. daliʔan na bataʔ ya beʔen sa umay The boy mixes the rice in a basket.
16. lutuʔen na utaw ya umay adti kulum The man cooks the rice in a pot.
17. miglutuʔ ya bataʔ sa sugawan adti kulun The boy cooked the deer in a pot.
18. piglutuʔan na bataʔ ya kulun sa umay The boy cooked the rice in a pot.
19. tawagan na utaw ya pawaʔ sa bataʔ The man calls the boy at the farm.
20. pigdetan na utaw ya magalet sa usa The man hunted the pig in the jungle.
122 Analyzing Grammar: An Introduction
16. indi dağda qar əriyir.
now mountain snow melts
‘Snow is melting on the mountain now.’
17. Həsən dağa sar-i irəli getdi.
Hasan mountain toward forward went
‘Hasan went straight toward the mountain.’
18. bir dağ qələ[y]ə yax-in idi.
one mountain castle near was
‘A mountain was near the castle.’
19. Məmədin at-i təz qaçdi.
Memed horse-3sg quickly ran
‘Memed’s horse ran quickly.’
20. arvad b-içağ-inan qarp-izi kəsdi.
woman knife watermelon cut
‘The woman cut the watermelon with a knife.’
21. Fatma[n]-in anas-i dedi.
Fatma mother-3sg said
‘Fatma’s mother said (it).’
22. olar ipi kəsdiler.
3pl rope cut
‘They cut the rope.’
23. onun əl-ayağ–i -[n]i ipinən bağlad-ilar.
3sg hand-foot-3sg rope bound
‘They bound his hands and feet with rope.’
24. ağaclari təpə[y]ə daş-id-ilar . . .
trees hill carried
‘They carried the trees to the hill . . .’
25. quşlar dağlara sar-i uçüşürdi.
birds mountains toward were.flying
‘Birds were flying toward the mountains.’
7C Yidiny case (Australia; Dixon 1977, 1980)
Based on the following examples, describe the case system of Yidiny. Note:
ignore changes in vowel length, which are phonologically predictable. Like-
wise, the endings -du, -bu and -ŋgu should be treated as phonological vari-
ants of the same morpheme.
1. yiŋu wagu:ja galiŋ.
this man go
‘This man is going.’
2. muja:mbu wagu:ja wawal.
mother man look.at
‘Mother is looking at the man.’
Case and agreement 123
3. waga:ldu mujam wawal.
wife mother look.at
‘(My) wife is looking at mother.’
4. wagujaŋgu wagal bunjaŋ baŋga:lda.
man wife hit axe
‘This man hit (his) wife with (the back of) an axe.’
5. galŋa:ŋ[gu] baŋgal budi:jiŋ.
uncle axe keeps/owns
‘Uncle usually keeps (lit: ‘puts down’) an axe around.’
(Note: in actual pronunciation of the first word, [gu] is
deleted by a phonological rule.)
6. ŋanyji mayi galŋa:nda wiwi:na.
we food uncle give
‘We must give some food to uncle.’
7. wagujaŋgu minya bujiŋ waga:lnda.
man meat talk.about wife
‘This man is talking about meat to (his) wife.’
8. yiŋu gurŋa maŋgaŋ wagujanda.
this kookaburra laugh man
‘This kookaburra is laughing at the man.’
9. gudagaŋgu mujam bajal.
dog mother bite
‘The dog is biting mother.’
10. muja:mbu waga:lni guda:ga wawal.
mother wife dog look.at
‘Mother is looking at (my) wife’s dog.’
11. galŋa galiŋ digarrala.
uncle go beach
‘Uncle is going to the beach.’
12. mujam galiŋ digarramu.
mother go beach
‘Mother is going away from the beach.’
13. yiŋu wagu:ja galiŋ minya:gu.
this man go meat
‘This man is going for meat (i.e. to spear animals).’
14. ganyarraŋgu ŋuŋu burriburri baja:l.
crocodile that old.man bit
‘The crocodile bit that old man.’
15. ganyarrani wari bala:ny.
crocodile mouth opened
‘The crocodile’s mouth opened.’
124 Analyzing Grammar: An Introduction
7D Kalaw Lagaw Ya case (Torres Strait, Australia; Comrie 1981b;
Kennedy 1985a,b)
Based on the following examples, analyze and describe the case system for
singular NPs in Kalaw Lagaw Ya. No plurals are included in this data
set. Hint: an /a/ in the final syllable of the stem often changes to /oe/
through a morphophonemic process; you do not need to account for this
process. Do not try to identify morpheme boundaries within the first person
pronoun(s).
1. a moeginakoezin burum mathaman.
boy pig hit
‘The boy hit the pig.’
b garkoezin moeginakaz mathaman.
man boy hit
‘The man hit the boy.’
c moeginakaz uzariz.
boy go.away
‘The boy went away.’
d burum uzariz.
pig go.away
‘The pig went away.’
e garkaz uzariz.
man go.away
‘The man went away.’
f umayn kazi iman.
dog child see
‘The dog saw the child.’
g kazin umay iman.
child dog see
‘The child saw the dog.’
h bupan bisi mathaman.
grass cassava hit
‘The grass choked the cassava.’
i garkoezin bupa laban.
man grass cut
‘The man cut the grass.’
2. a ngay uzariz.
1sg go.away
‘I went away.’
b ngi uzariz.
2sg go.away
‘You (sg) went away.’
Case and agreement 125
c ngath ngin mathaman.
1sg 2sg hit
‘I hit you (sg).’
d ngidh ngoena mathaman.
2sg 1sg hit
‘you (sg) hit me.’
e nadh nuyn laban
3sg.f 3sg.m cut.shallow
‘She cut him shallowly.’
f nuydh nan niay-pa yoelpadhin.
3sg.m 3sg.f dwelling-dat lead-hist.past
‘He took her as his wife (long ago).’
g na patheoma.
3sg.f embark-today
‘She left by vehicle (earlier today).’
h nuy koesa-pa uzaraydhin.
3sg.m river-dat went-hist.past
‘He went to the river (long ago).’
3. a Kala uzariz.
Kala go.away
‘Kala went away.’
b Gibuma uzariz.
Gibuma go.away
‘Gibuma went away.’
c Kala Gibuman mathaman.
Kala Gibuma hit
‘Kala hit Gibuma.’
d Gibuma Kalan mathaman.
Gibuma Kala hit
‘Gibuma hit Kala.’
4. a ngath burum mathaman.
1sg pig hit
‘I hit the pig.’
b ngath Kalan mathaman.
1sg Kala hit
‘I hit Kala.’
c Kala ngin mathaman.
Kala 2sg hit
‘Kala hit you.’
d Kala garkaz mathaman.
Kala man hit
‘Kala hit the man.’
126 Analyzing Grammar: An Introduction
e garkoezin ngin mathaman.
man 2sg hit
‘The man hit you.’
f nuydh wapi lumaypa.
3sg.m fish search-imperf
‘He is searching for fish.’
g garkoezin Gibuman mathaman.
man Gibuma hit
‘The man hit Gibuma.’
h nadh kazi lumar.
3sg.f child search-cont
‘She keeps on searching for the child.’
i ngoena goeygin gasaman.
1sg sun catch
‘The sun made me ill.’
Additional exercises
Merrifield et al. (1987) prob. 160, 205, 211
Healey (1990b) ex. E.7
Notes
1. This suffix is pronounced /-e/ following consonants, /-ye/ following vowels.
2. The 2nd person pronoun has only two distinct forms, your possessive vs. you
nom/acc.
3. Some morphophonemic alternations are omitted from the table in (3). Mohanan
(1982) refers to a second dative case category, “dative 2,” which is also omitted
here.
4. Greenberg (1963), universal #38.
5. The relative ordering of 1st vs. 2nd person pronouns cannot be justified on the basis
of split ergativity alone. However, the person–animacy hierarchy is relevant to a
number of other construction types as well, such as the inverse systems of many
North American languages, in which this ordering is clearly motivated.
6. This proposal was first developed by Silverstein (1976); Comrie (1978); and Dixon
(1979).
7. Wierzbicka (1981:67) suggests that the hierarchy effect in split case-marking
systems can be explained in terms of “inherent topic-worthiness.” She also makes
the very helpful point that it is as experiencer, rather than agent, that the speaker
enjoys a unique status.
8. Note that the verb in this example agrees with the nominative object, rather
than the ergative subject. (I have been unable to locate the original source for
examples 17–18.)
9. See Nichols (1986) for a discussion of “head-marked” vs. “dependent-marked”
agreement.